Noam Chomsky - Wikiquote
Brody - Tomlins debate "Law, Labor & Ideology" [1/2] on the orthodox arena of twentieth century labor relations legislation and policy. lists to handle quasi- prepared debates around book reviews rather than the more ad hoc . In * Belated Feudalism* (), Karen Orren says just the opposite: the evolution of American. It explores these dynamics in the particular arena of labour and labour been linked up to the otherwise vibrant debates about inequality that have we might see as a more encompassing and critical political economy of GVCs/GPNs. . the incentives they face point in precisely the opposite direction. Paper prepared for the "Online Deliberation Conference ". Stanford . debate. Newsgroups are ongoing arenas of ideological contestation, where facts, values, opposite to our own findings (e.g. that USENET political would find variations in levels of participation (usually following a power curve.
They can purchase that commodity and, therefore, they want those institutions to exist, like free pressand all that. In the American Jewish community, there is little willingness to face the fact that the Palestinian Arabs have suffered a monstrous historical injustice, whatever one may think of the competing claims.
Until this is recognized, discussion of the Middle East crisis cannot even begin.
Peace in the Middle East? Reflections on Justice and Nationhood, p. Even today, as regards East Timor, where our brutal Indonesian satellite authors of the butcheries have very possibly killed as many people as did the Khmer Rouge, there is a virtually complete blackout of information in the Free Press. This is a bloodbath carried out by a friendly power and is thus of little interest to our readers.
We will consider the facts about postwar Indochina insofar as they can be ascertained, but a major emphasis will be on the ways in which these facts have been interpreted, filtered, distorted or modified by the ideological institutions in the West. Chomsky and HermanAfter the Cataclysm: Postwar Indochina and the Reconstruction of Imperial Ideologyp.
When the facts are in, it may well turn out that the more extreme condemnations were in fact correct. But even if that turns out to be the case, it will in no way alter the conclusions we have reached on the central question addressed here: The answer to this question seems clear, and it is unaffected by whatever may be discovered about Cambodia in the future.
Our primary concern has been U. Correspondingly, we have not developed or expressed our views here on the nature of the Indochinese regimes. To assess the contemporary situation in Indochina and the programs of the current ruling groups is a worthwhile endeavor, but it has not been our current objective.
The shift of the United States from causal agent to bystander — and even to leader of the struggle for human rights — in the face of its empire of client fascism and long, vicious assault on the peasant societies of Indochina, is a remarkable achievement.
The system of brainwashing under freedom, with mass media voluntary self-censorship in accord with the larger interests of the state, has worked brilliantly.
Unfortunately, you can't vote the rascals out, because you never voted them in, in the first place. The Cold War ideology and the international communist conspiracy function in an important way as essentially a propaganda device to mobilize support at a particular historical moment for this long-time imperial enterprise.
In fact, I believe that this is probably the main function of the Cold War: Roughly speaking, I think it's accurate to say that a corporate elite of managers and owners governs the economy and the political system as well, at least in very large measure. The people, so-called, do exercise an occasional choice among those who Marx once called "the rival factions and adventurers of the ruling class.
Not just the United States. For example, France is doing some really vicious things there, in fact they're just wiping out islands because they want them for nuclear tests. And when the socialist government in France is asked, "Why to do this? Well, the answer to that is clear, after all they're just a bunch of little brown people or something. But you can't say that exactly, especially if you're a socialist, so something else is said.
Chomsky on Indonesia and E. Timor, " at radio4all. From a comparative perspective, the United States is unusual if not unique in the lack of restraints on freedom of expression.
It is also unusual in the range and effectiveness of methods employed to restrain freedom of thought Where the state lacks means of coercion, it is important to control what people think.
Noam Chomsky interviewed by an anonymous interviewer, October 26, ; Published in: A French Travesty " in C. Lenin was a right-wing deviation of the socialist movement and he was so regarded…by the mainstream Marxists… Bolshevism was a right-wing deviation.
Language and Politics p. It is not part of the spectrum of discussion. The background for such a principled critique cannot be developed in the media, and the conclusions cannot be drawn. It is not present even to be refuted.
Rather, the idea is unthinkable. All of this reveals with great clarity how foreign to the mobilized media is a conception of the media as a free system of information and discussion, independent of state authority and elite interests.
Herman and ChomskyManufacturing Consentp. Roughly speaking, states are violent to the extent that they have the power to act in the interests of those with domestic power Noam Chomsky, letter dated June 13, Response to Celia Jakubowicz ," in C. Cuba has probably been the target of more international terrorism than the rest of the world combined and, therefore, in the American ideological system it is regarded as the source of international terrorism, exactly as Orwell would have predicted.
It goes back to the days when we were defending ourselves against the internal aggression of the Native American population, who we incidentally wiped out in the process. In the post World War II period, we've frequently had to carry out defense against internal aggression, that is against Salvadorans in El Salvador, Greeks in Greece, against Filipinos in the Philippines, against South Vietnamese in South Vietnam, and many other places.
And the concept of internal aggression has been repeatedly invoked in this connection, and quite appropriately. It's an interesting concept, it's one that George Orwell would certainly have admired, and it's elaborated in many ways in the internal documentary record.
The Lessons of Viet Nam " at radio4all. The uniformity and obedience of the media, which any dictator would admire, [ Intervention in Central America and the Struggle for Peace,p. But the fact is that Orwell was a latecomer on the scene. As early as World War I, American historians offered themselves to President Woodrow Wilson to carry out a task they called "historical engineering," by which they meant designing the facts of history so that they would serve state policy.
In this instance, the U. This represents a version of Orwell'seven before Orwell was writing. For those who stubbornly seek freedom around the world, there can be no more urgent task than to come to understand the mechanisms and practices of indoctrination. These are easy to perceive in the totalitarian societies, much less so in the propaganda system to which we are subjected and in which all too often we serve as unwilling or unwitting instruments.
Israel is an embattled country. They rely very heavily on U. So they have developed a very sophisticated system of propaganda. They don't call it propaganda. They call it hasbarah. It proposes an approach which sees inequality as arising at the intersections of three dimensions of asymmetry—asymmetries of market power, asymmetries of social power and asymmetries of political power—which underpin and crystallize around global value chains.
It explores these dynamics in the particular arena of labour and labour exploitation in global value chains, as a means of shedding a valuable wide-angle beam on the big questions of power and inequality in the contemporary global political economy.
As the World Economic Forum meeting convened in Davos in Januaryheadlines were dominated by reports from Oxfam which laid bare the startling—and growing—scale of inequality in the global political economy. Continuing a theme of its research over several years, Oxfam presented updated figures showing that the eight richest billionaires in the world controlled more wealth than the poorest 50 per cent of the world's total population.
Outside China, progress has been patchy, and an overall decline in extreme poverty has not been sufficient to reduce the total number of people living in such conditions. Perhaps most significantly, while there has been a drop in extreme poverty, there has been much less progress on poverty in general: Not least for that reason, the task is one of ever greater urgency. My contribution to this effort here focuses on a dimension of the picture which has received surprisingly little attention: To put the point slightly differently, global patterns of inequality are critical to understanding how the GVC world was enabled to come into being from the s onwards, and how it continues to serve the powerful economic and political interests which benefit from this form of global economic organization.
My Debate with “Dialogue” - The American Interest
Conversely, the nature and functioning of the GVC world are central to understanding the drivers of the patterns of inequality that we have observed being consolidated over this period of time, and by extension to understanding the political and economic juncture at which we find ourselves at the start ofdominated by an emphatic shifting of domestic and international political sands.
The mobilization of these asymmetrical relations of market power to produce a global economy marked by significant concentrations of wealth and assets is now amply documented. I propose instead an approach which sees inequality as arising at the intersections of three dimensions of asymmetry in the power relations that crystallize in and around GVCs—asymmetries of market power, asymmetries of social power, and asymmetries of political power.
Asymmetries of market power refer to the relative positions of firms within GVC structures, characterized by oligopoly power among lead firms and intense competition among supplier firms, 20 and the ways in which these positions correspond with degrees of control over production and the capture of value.
Asymmetries of social power refer to wider patterns of poverty, wealth and inequality in the societal contexts in which GVCs are rooted, as well as between actors within GVCs, and how forms of social power are mobilized to reinforce these patterns. Asymmetries of political power refer to the wider political dynamics which shape the governance of GVCs, highlighting the interactions between political interests in shaping the governance of GVCs, and by extension their social underpinnings, at the local, regional and global scales.
These three dimensions of asymmetry are depicted in stylized terms in figure 1and the task is to capture how these dimensions interlock and intersect to produce observed patterns of socio-economic inequality. The political economy of global value chains Figure 1: View large Download slide The political economy of global value chains Such an approach opens up an expansive set of questions and an expansive terrain for research, both of which far exceed the possible remit for a single article.
I therefore wish to take a microcosm of these dynamics, exploring in necessarily illustrative terms what this triangle looks like, in theory and in practice, in the particular arena of labour and labour exploitation in GVCs.The Evolution of Consciousness - Yuval Noah Harari Panel Discussion at the WEF Annual Meeting
Labour relations are key to understanding the dynamics of value creation and capture in GVCs, in terms both of wealth concentration and of poverty and vulnerability. This focus accordingly sheds a valuable wide-angle beam on the big questions of power and inequality in the contemporary global political economy.
By taking each of these dimensions of asymmetry in turn and exploring their interactions, I hope to elucidate how the evolution of GVCs constitutes a critically important means through which socio-economic inequality has become a defining feature of the contemporary global political economy.
Asymmetries of market power Figure 2 overleafdepicting the distribution of value in the production of Apple's iPhone, tells us at a single glance much of what we need to know about where value is created and captured in GVCs, and by whom or what.
What jumps out immediately is that more than half of the total value, across the whole of the production process, is captured by the lead firm—Apple—as profit. The figures for labour costs, by contrast, offer an insight into both the relationship between capital and labour in the global economy, and the relative proportions of value that are captured by each.
The costs of materials involved in production are vastly greater than the human input costs associated with labour. The limited effect of Chinese financing and investment on the bargaining power of traditional donors Figure 2: View large Download slide The limited effect of Chinese financing and investment on the bargaining power of traditional donors It is well known that the iPhone value chain stretches across a wide range of geographic locations, with the largest concentration of suppliers being in east Asia.
Yet conventional depictions of the value chain tend to focus only on its upper tiers, specifically on registered factories and the increasingly powerful giant supplier firms in east Asia, of which Foxconn is the most notable in the electronics sector. Very often these will be subcontractors to the first- or second-tier supplier firms, or informal units operating way down in the least visible parts of the value chain.
These extend to the tiers associated with the production of raw materials for the electronics industry, which in mobile phone production notably include the mineral coltan. This is especially so in those value chains characterized by relationships between firms based on arm's-length subcontracting arrangements, as distinct from those organized around direct ownership and control by the lead firm of a network of affiliated entities.
Indeed, the length and complexity of value chains organized around subcontracting, in electronics and many other sectors, mean that productive activities in the lower tiers are in every sense removed from the world of first-tier suppliers and lead firms.
Jean Baudrillardin Cool Memories, ch. Augusto Boalas quoted in "To Dynamize the Audience: Bushin Televised address on Reducing U. And we would like to talk to those who disagree with us. That, again, is what democracy is about. And you come to a compromise, a settlement that would be best for the country.
We want to build up a strong foundation for national reconciliation, which means reconciliation not just between the different ethnic groups and between different religious groups, but between different ideas -- for example, between the idea of military supremacy and the idea of civilian authority over the military, which is the foundation of democracy.
Democracy needs support and the best support for democracy comes from other democracies. Benazir BhuttoSpeech at Harvard University Sycophancy toward those who hold power is a fact in every regime, and especially in a democracy, where, unlike tyranny, there is an accepted principle of legitimacy that breaks the inner will to resist.
Louis BrandeisU. Justice Brandeis, Great Americanp. Elizabeth Barrett BrowningAurora LeighBook 4 When I examined my political faith I found that my strongest belief was in democracy according to my own definition. Democracy—the essential thing as distinguished from this or that democratic government—was primarily an attitude of mind, a spiritual testament, and not an economic structure or a political machine. The testament involved certain basic beliefs—that the personality was sacrosanct, which was the meaning of liberty; that policy should be settled by free discussion; that normally a minority should be ready to yield to a majority, which in turn should respect a minority's sacred things.
It seemed to me that democracy had been in the past too narrowly defined and had been identified illogically with some particular economic or political system such as laissez-faire or British parliamentarism. I could imagine a democracy which economically was largely socialist and which had not our constitutional pattern. John BuchanPilgrim's Wayreprintedp. Edmund BurkeReflections on the Revolution in France And wrinkles, the d—d democrats, won't flatter.
C[ edit ] Human affairs have scarcely ever been so happily constituted as that the better course pleased the greater number. The growth of democracy; the growth of corporate power; and the growth of corporate propaganda against democracy.
The 20th century has been characterized by four developments of great importance: Alex CareyTaking the Risk out of Democracy: Democracy will prevail when men believe the vote of Judas as good as that of Jesus Christ. Reported as unverified in Respectfully Quoted: A Dictionary of Quotations Democracy, which means despair of finding any Heroes to govern you, and contented putting up with the want of them,—alas, thou too, mein Lieber, seest well how close it is of kin to Atheism, and other sad Isms: Thomas CarlylePast and Present Unlike what neo-liberals say, market and democracy clash at a fundamental level.
The latter give greater weight to richer people. Therefore, democratic decisions usually subvert the logic of market. Zaire vs Indonesia, Should we turn our backs on corrupt and undemocratic countries? Democracy is the power of equal votes for unequal minds.
Tradition means giving votes to the most obscure of all classes, our ancestors. It is the democracy of the dead. Tradition refuses to submit to the small and arrogant oligarchy of those who merely happen to be walking about. You can never have a revolution in order to establish a democracy.
You must have a democracy in order to have a revolution.
Democracy - Wikiquote
ChestertonTremendous TriflesChapter 12 Wind and the trees, p. One does not export democracy in an armored vehicle. Under capitalism we can't have democracy by definition. Capitalism is a system in which the central institutions of society are in principle under autocratic control. Thus, a corporation or an industry is, if we were to think of it in political terms, fascist; that is, it has tight control at the top and strict obedience has to be established at every level -- there's a little bargaining, a little give and take, but the line of authority is perfectly straightforward.
Just as I'm opposed to political fascism, I'm opposed to economic fascism. I think that until major institutions of society are under the popular control of participants and communities, it's pointless to talk about democracy.
Noam Chomsky" One Man's View: Noam Chomsky interviewed by an anonymous interviewer ," Business Today, May According to the common sense meaning, a society is democratic to the extent that people can participate in a meaningful way in managing their affairs.
But the doctrinal meaning of democracy is different — it refers to a system in which decisions are made by sectors of the business community and related elites. They are permitted to ratify the decisions of their betters and to lend their support to one or another of them, but not to interfere with matters — like public policy — that are none of their business. Noam Chomsky"War is Peace.
Ignorance is Strength" in What Uncle San Really Wants A study of the inter-American system published by the Royal Institute of International Affairs in London concluded that, while the US pays lip service to democracy, the real commitment is to "private, capitalist enterprise. No one pretends that democracy is perfect or all-wise. Indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.
His Complete Speeches, —vol. Democracy is spreading across the world. Freedman and Sarah Schafer The ship of Democracy, which has weathered all storms, may sink through the mutiny of those aboard.